Thursday, September 6, 2012

Of THE FORMATION AND MULTIPLICATION of CAPITAL. - - Jean-Baptiste Say


IN the foregoing chapter, I have shown how productive capital,
though kept, during the progress of production, in a continual state
of employment, and subject to perpetual change and wear, is yet
ultimately reproduced in full value, when the business of production
is at an end. Since, then, wealth consists in the value of matter or
substance, not in the substance or matter itself, I trust my readers
have clearly comprehended, that the productive capital employed,
notwithstanding its frequent transmutations, is all the while the same
capital.
It will be conceived with equal facility, that, inasmuch as the value produced has replaced the value consumed, that produced value may be equal, inferior, or superior in amount, to the value consumed, according to circumstances. If equal, the capital has been merely replaced and kept up; if inferior, the capital has been encroached upon; but if superior, there has been an actual increase and accession of capital. This is precisely the point to which we traced the cultivator, cited by way of an example in the preceding chapter. We supposed him, after the complete re-establishment of his capital, so
as to put him in a condition to begin the new year’s cultivation with
equal means at his disposal, to have netted a surplus produce beyond
his consumption of some value or other; say of 1000 dollars. 
Now, let us .observe the various methods, in which he may dispose
of his surplus of 1000 dollars; for simple as the matter may appear
to be, there is no point upon which more error has prevailed, or
which has greater influence upon the condition of mankind. 
Whatever kind of produce this surplus, which we have valued at
1000 dollars, may consist of, the owner may exchange it for gold or
silver specie, and bury it in the earth till he wants it again. Does
the national capital suffer a loss of 1000 dollars by this operation?
Certainly not; for we have just seen, that the value of that capital was before completely replaced. Has any one been injured to that amount ? By no means; for he has neither robbed nor cheated any body, and has received no value whatever, without giving an equivalent. It may be said, perhaps, he has given wheat in exchange for the dollars he has thus buried, which wheat was very soon consumed;, yet the 1000 dollars still continue withdrawn from the capital of the community. But I trust it will be recollected, that wheat, as well as silver or gold, may compose a part of the national capital; indeed, we have seen that national capital must necessarily consist, in a great measure, of wheat and such like substances, liable to either partial or total consumption, without any diminution ofcapital thereupon ; for, in short, that reproduction completely replaces the value consumed, including the profits of the producers, productive agency is part of the value consumed. Wherefore, the instant that the cultivator has fully replaced his capital, and begins
again with the same means as before, the 1000 dollars may be
thrown into the sea without reducing the national capital. 
But let us trace the disposal of this surplus of 1000 dollars to
every imaginable destination. Suppose, for instance, that instead of
being buried, they have been spent by the cultivator upon an elegant
entertainment. In this case, this whole value has been destroyed in
an afternoon; a sumptuous feast, a ball, and fireworks, will have
swallowed up the whole. The value thus destroyed exists no longer
in the community: it no longer forms an item in the aggregate of
wealth; for those persons, into whose hands the identical pieces of
silver have come, have given an equivalent in wines, refreshments,
eatables, gunpowder,  & c , all which values are reduced to nothing;
the gross national capital, however, is no more diminished in this
case than in the former. A surplus value had been produced; and
this surplus is all that has been destroyed, so that things remain just
as they were.
Again, suppose these 1000 dollars to have been spent in the purchase of furniture, plate, or linen. Still there is no reduction ofnational productive capital; although it must be allowed there is no
accession; for in this case, nothing more is gained than the additional
comforts the cultivator and his family derive from the newly pur
chased moveables.
Fourthly and lastly, suppose the cultivator to add this excess ot
1000 dollars to his productive capital, that is to say, to re-employ it
in increasing the productive powers of his farm as circumstances
may require, in the purchase of more beasts of husbandry, or the
hire and support of more labourers; and in consequence, at the end
of the year, to gather produce enough to replace the full value of the
1000 dollars, with a profit, in such manner, as to make them capable
of yielding a fresh product the year after, and so on every year to
eternity. It is then, and then only, that the productive capital of the
community is really augmented to that extent.
It must on no account be overlooked, that, in one way or other, a saving such as that we have been speaking of, whether expended productively or unproductively, still is in all cases expended and consumed; and this is a truth, that must remove a notion extremely
false, though very much in vogue—namely, that saving limits and injures consumption. No act of saving subtracts in the least from consumption, provided the thing saved be re-invested or restored to productive employment. On the contrary, it gives rise to a consumption perpetually renovated and recurring; whereas there is no repetition of an unproductive consumption.

It must be observed, too, that the form in which the value saved
is so saved and re-employed productively, makes no essential difference. The saving is made with more or less advantage, according
to the circumstances and intelligence of the person making it. Nor
is there any reason why this portion of capital should not have been
accumulated, without ever having for a moment assumed the form of
specie. It may be that an actual product of the farm has been saved
and resown or planted, without having undergone any transmutation ;
perhaps the wood, that might have been used as firing to warm superfluous apartments, may have been converted into palings or other
carpenter's work; and what was cut down in the first instance as an
item of revenue, be so employed, as to become an item of capital.
Now, the only way of augmenting the productive capital of individuals, as well as the aggregate productive capital of the community,
is by this process of saving; in other words, of re-employing in production more products created than have been consumed n their creation. Productive capital cannot be accumulated by the mere scraping together of values without consuming them; nor any otherwise,
than by withdrawing them from unproductive, and devoting them to
reproductive consumption. There is nothing odious in the real
picture of the accumulation of capital; we shall presently see its
happy consequences.
The form under which national capital is accumulated, is commonly determined by the respective geographical position, the moral
character, and the peculiar wants of each nation. The accumulations of a society in its early stages consist, for the most part, of
buildings, implements of husbandry, live stock, improvements of
land; those of a manufacturing people chiefly of raw materials, or
such as are still in the hands of its workmen, in a more or less
finished state; and in some part, of the necessary manufacturing
tools and machinery. In a nation devoted to commerce, capital is
mostly accumulated in the form of wrought or unwrought goods,
that have been bought by the merchant for the purpose of re-sale.
A nation that at the same time directs its energies to all three
branches of industry, namely, agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, has a capital compounded of all three different forms of production ; of that amazing quantity of stores of every kind, that we
find civilized society actually possessed of; and which, by the intelligent use that is made of them, are constantly renovated, or even
increased, in spite of their enormous consumption, provided that the
industry of the community produces more than is destroyed by its
consumption.
I do not mean to say, that each nation has produced and laid by
the identical article that composes its actual capital. Values, in some
shape or other, have been produced and laid by; and these, through
various transmutations, have assumed the form most convenient fot
the time being. A bushel of wheat saved will feed a mason as well
as a worker in embroidery. In the one case, the bushel of wheat
will be reproduced in the shape of the masonry of a house; in the
other, under that of a laced suit.
Every adventurer in industry, that has a capital of his own embarked in it, has ready means of employing his saving productively;
if engaged in husbandry, he buys fresh parcels of land ; or, by judicious outlays and improvements, augments the productive powers of
what already belongs to him; if in trade, he buys and sells a greater
quantity of merchandise. Capitalists have nearly the same advantage : they invest their whole savings in the same manner as their
former capital is invested, and increase it pro tanto, or look out for
new ways of investment, which they are at no loss to discover; for
the moment they are known to be possessed of loose funds, they
seldom have to wait for propositions for the employment of them;
whereas the proprietors of lands let out to farm, and individuals that
live upon fixed income, or the wages of their personal labour, have
not equal facility in the advantageous disposal of their savings, and
can seldom invest them till they amount to a good round sum.
Many savings are therefore consumed, that might otherwise have
swelled the capitals of individuals, and consequently of the nation at
largf. Banks and associations, whose object is to receive, collect,
and turn to profit the small savings of individuals, are consequently
very favourable to the multiplication of capital, whenever they are
perfectly secure.
The increase of capital is naturally slow of progress: fur it can
never take place without actual production of value, arid the creation
of value is the work of time and labour, besides other ingredients.*
Since the producers are compelled to consume values all the while
they are engaged in the creation of fresh ones, the utmost they can
accumulate, that is to say, add to reproductive capital, is the value
they produce beyond what they consume; and the sum of this sui
plus is all the additional wealth that the public or individuals can
acquire. The more values are saved and reproductively employed
in the year, the more rapid is the national progress towards prosperity. Its capital is swelled, a larger quantity of industry is set in
motion, and saving becomes more and more practicable, because the
additional capital and industry are additional means of production.
Every saving or increase of capital lays the groundwork of a
perpetual annual profit, not only to the saver himself, but likewise to
all those whose industry is set in motion by this item of new capital.
It is for this reason that the celebrated Adam Smith likens the frugal
man, who enlarges his productive capital but in a solitary instance,
to the founder of an almshouse for the perpetual support cf a body
of labouring persons upon the fruits of their own labour; and on the
other hand, compares the prodigal that encroaches upon his capita],
to the roguish steward that should squander the funds of a charitable
institution, and leave destitute, not merely those that derived present
subsistence from it, but likewise all who might derive it hereafter.
He pronounces, without reserve, every prodigal to be a public pest,
and every careful and frugal person to be a benefactor of society, f
It is fortunate, that self-interest is always on the watch to preserve
the capital of individuals; and that capital can at no time be withdrawn from productive employment, without a proportionate loss of
revenue.
Smith is of opinion, that, in every country, the profusion and ignorance of individuals and of the public authorities, is more than compensated by the prevalent frugality of the people at large, and by their careful atttention to their own interests.* At least it seems
undeniable, that almost all the nations of Europe are at this moment
advancing in opulence; which could not be the case, unless each of
them, taken in the aggregate, produced more than it consumed
unproductively.f Even the revolutions of modern times appear to
have been rather favourable than otherwise to the progress of opulence ; for they are no longer, as in ancient days, followed by continued hostile invasion, or universal and protracted pillage; whereas,
on the other hand, they have commonly overthrown the barriers of
prejudice, and opened a wider field for talent and enterprise. But
it is still a question, whether this frugality, which Smith gives individuals credit for, be not, in the most numerous classes of society, a
forced consequence of a vicious political organization. Is it true,
that those classes receive their fair proportion of the gross produce,
in return for their productive exertions? How many individuals
live in constant penury, in the countries considered as the most
wealthy! How many families are there, both in town and country,
whose whole existence is a succession of privations; who, with every
thing around them to awaken their desires, are reduced to the satisfaction of the very lowest wants, as if they lived in an age of the
grossest barbarism and national poverty!
Thus I am forced to infer, that, though unquestionably there is an
annual saving of produce in almost all the nations of Europe, this
saving is extorted much more commonly from urgent and natural
wants, than from the consumption of superfluities, to which policy
and humanity would hope to trace it. Whence arises a strong suspicion of some radical defect in the policy and internal economical
systems of most of their governments.
Again, Smith thinks that the moderns are indebted for their comparative opulence, rather to the prevalence of individual frugality, than to the enlargement of productive power. I admit, tha sonn
absurd kinds of profusion are more rare now-a-days than formerly ;*
but it should be recollected, that such profusion can never be practised, except by a very small number of persons; and if we take
the pains to consider how widely the enjoyment of a more abundant
and varied consumption is diffused, particularly among the middle
classes of society, I think it will be found, that consumption and frugality have increased both together; for they are by no means incompatible. How many concerns are there in every branch of industry,
that, in times of prosperity, yield enough produce to the adventurers
to enable them to enlarge both their expenses and their savings ?
What is true of one particular concern, may possibly be true of the
national production in the aggregate. The wealth of France was
progressively increasing during the first forty years of the reign of
Louis XIV., in spite of the profusion, public and private, that the
splendour of the court occasioned. The stimulus given to production by Colbert, multiplied her resources faster than the court squandered them. Some people supposed, that this very prodigality was
the cause of their multiplication; the gross fallacy of which notion
is demonstrated by the circumstance, that after the death of that
minister, the extravagancies of the court continuing at the same rate,
and the progress of production being unable to keep pace with them,
the kingdom was reduced to an alarming state of exhaustion. The
close of that reign was the most gloomy that can be imagined.
After the death of Louis XIV., the public and private expenditure of France have been still further increasing ;f and to me it appears indisputable, that her national wealth has advanced likewise:
Smith himself admits that it did ; and what is true of France is so of
most of the other states of Europe in some degree or other.
Turgot* falls in with Smith's opinion. He expresses his belief,
that frugality is more generally prevalent now than in former times,
and gives the following reasons: that, in most European countries,
the interest of money was, on the average, lower than it had ever
before been, a clear proof of the greater abundance of capita]; therefore, that greater frugality must have been exerted in the accumulation of that capital than at any former period; and, certainly, the
low rate of interest proves the existence of more abundant capital:
but it proves nothing with regard to the manner of its acquirement
in fact, it may have been acquired just as well by enlarged production as by greater frugality, as I have just been demonstrating.
However, I am far from denying, that in many particulars, the
moderns have improved the art of saving as well as that of producing.
A man is not easily satisfied with less gratifications than he has been
accustomed to: but there are many which he has learnt to procure
at a cheaper rate. For instance, what can be more beautiful than the
coloured furniture papers that adorn the walls of our apartments,
combining the grace of design with the freshness of colouring 1 Formerly, many of those classes of society that now make use of paper
hangings, were content with whitewashed walls, or a coarse ill-executed tapestry, infinitely dearer than the modern paperings. By the
recent discovery of the efficacy of sulphuric acid in destroying the
mucilaginous articles of vegetable oils, they have been rendered
serviceable in lamps on the Argand principle of a double current of
air, which before could only be lighted with fish oil, twice or thrice
as dear. This discovery has of itself placed the use of those lamps,
and the fine light they give, within reach of almost every class.f
For this improvement in frugality, we are indebted to the advances
of industry, which has, on the one hand discovered a greater number
of economical processes; and, on the other, everywhere solicited
the loan of capital, and tempted the holders of it, great or small, by
better terms and greater security. In times when little industry
existed, capital, being unprofitable, was seldom in any other shape
than that of a hoard of specie locked up in a strong box, or buried in
the earth as a reserve against emergency: however considerable in
amount, it yielded no sort of benefit whatever, being in fact little
else than a mere precautionary deposit, great or small. But the
moment that this hoard was found capable of yielding a profit proportionate to its magnitude, its possessor had a double motive for
increasing it, and that not of remote or precautionary, but of actual, immediate benefit; since the profit yielded by the capital might,
without the least diminution of it, be consumed and procure additional gratifications. Thenceforward it became an object of greater
and more general solicitude than before, in those that had none to
create, and in those that had one to augment, productive capital; and
a capital bearing interest began to be regarded as a property equally
lucrative, and sometimes equally substantial with land yielding rent.
To such as regard the accumulation of capital as an evil, insomuch as
it tends to aggravate the inequality of human fortune, I would suggest, that, if accumulation has a constant tendency to the multiplying
of large fortunes, the course of nature has anjequal tendency to divide
them again. A man, whose life has been spent in augmenting hi;
own capital and that of his country, must die at last, and the succession rarely devolves upon a sole heir or legatee, except where the
national laws sanction entails and the right of primogeniture. In
countries exempt from the baneful influence of such institutions,
where nature is left to its own free and beneficent action, wealth is
naturally diffused by subdivision through all the ramifications of the
social tree, carrying health and life to the furthest extremities.*
The total capital of the nation is enlarged at the same time that the
capital of individuals is subdivided.
Thus, the growing wealth of an individual, when honestly acquired
and reproductively employed, far from being viewed with jealous
eyes, ought to be nailed as a source" of general prosperity. I say
honestly acquired, because a fortune amassed by rapine or extortion
is no addition to the national stock; it is rather a portion of capital
transferred from the hands of one man, where it already existed, to
those of another, who has exerted no productive industry. On the
contrary, it is but too common, that wealth ill-gotten is ill-spent also.
The faculty of amassing capital, or, in other words, value, I apprehend to be one cause of the vast superiority of man over the brute
creation. Capital, taken in the aggregate, is a powerful engine consigned to the use of man alone. He can direct towards any one
channel of employment the successive accumulations of many generations. Other animals can command, at most, no more than their respjctiAie vnd vidual accumulations, scraped together in the course
of a lew days, or a season at the utmost, which can never amount
to any tiling considerable: so that, granting them a degree of intelligence they do not seem possessed of, that intelligence would yet
remain ineffectual, for want of the materials to set it in motion.
Moreover, it may be remarked, that the powers of man, resulting
from the faculty of amassing capital, are absolutely indefinable;
because there is no assignable limit to the capital he may accumulate, with the aid of time, industry, and frugality.

A Treatise on Political Economy


Wednesday, September 5, 2012

OP THE TRANSFORMATIONS UNDERGONE BY CAPITAL IN THE PROGRESS OF PRODUCTION - Jean-Baptiste Say


W E have seen above (Chap. III.) of what the productive capital of a nation consists, and to what uses it is applicable. So much it was necessary to specify, in enumerating the various means of production. We now come to consider and examine, what becomes of capital in the progress of production, and how it is perpetuated and increased.

To avoid fatiguing the reader with abstract speculation, I shall begin with giving examples, which I shall take from every day's experience and observation. The general principles will follow of
themselves, and the reader will immediately see their applicability to all other cases, which he may have occasion to pronounce a judgment upon.

When the land-owner is himself the cultivator, he must possess a capital over and above the value of his land; that is to say, value to some amount or other consisting, in the first place, of clearance of the ground, together with works and erections thereon, which may at pleasure be looked upon as part of the value of the estate, but which sire, never', lelejs, the result of previous human exertion, and an accession to the original value of the land.

This portion of his capital is little subject to wear and tear; trifling occasional repairs will preserve it entire. If the cultivator obtain from the annual produce wherewithal to effect these repairs, this item of capital is thereby preservable in perpetuity.

Ploughs, and other farming implements and utensils, together with the animals employed in tillage, form another item of the cultivator's capital, and an article of much quicker consumption, which, however, may in like manner be kept up and renovated, as occasion may require, at the expense of the annual produce of the concern, and thus be maintained at its full original amount.

Finally, he must have stores of various kinds; seeds for his ground, provisions, fodder for his cattle, and food as well as money for his labourers'wages, &c.f Observe, that this branch of capitalis totally decomposed once in the course of the year, at least; and sometimes three or four times over. The money, grain and provisions of every description disappear altogether; but so it must necessarily be, and yet not an atom of the capital is lost, if the cultivator, after abstracting from the produce a fair allowance for the productive service of his land (rent) for the productive service of the capital embarked (interest) and for the productive service of the personal labour that has set the whole in motion (wages), contrive to make the annual produce replace the outlay of money, seed, live stock, &c , even to the article of manure, so as to put himself in possession of a value equal to what he started with the preceding year.

Thus we find, that capital may yet be kept up, though almost every part of it have undergone some change, and many parts be completely annihilated; for, indeed, capita] consists not in this or
that commodity or substance, but in its value.

Nor is it difficult to conceive, that if the estate be sufficiently extensive, and managed with order, economy, and intelligence, the profits of the cultivator may enable him to lay by a surplus, after
replacing the entire value of his capital, and defraying the expenses of himself and familv. The mode of disposing of this surplus is of the utmost importance to the community, and will be treated of in
the next chapter. All that is at present necessary is, to impress a clear conviction, that the value of capital, though consumed, is not yet destroyed, wherever it has been consumed in such way as to reproduce itself; and that a concern may go on forever, and annually render a new product with the same capital, although that capital be in a perpetual course of consumption.

After tracing capital through its various transformations in the department of agriculture, it will be easy to follow its transformations in the other two departments of manufacture and commerce.

In manufacture, as well as agriculture, there are some branches of capital that last for years; buildings and fixtures for instance, machinery and some kinds of tools; others, on the contrary, lose their form entirely; the oil and pot-ash used by soap-makers cease to be oil and pot-ash when they assume the form of soap. In the same manner, the drugs employed in dyeing indigo cease to be Brazil wood or annatto, as the case may be, and are incorporated with the fabric they are employed in colouring. And so of the wages and maintenance of the labourers.

In commerce, almost the whole capital undergoes complete transmutation, and many items of it several times in the cburse of a year. A merchant exchanges his specie for woollens or jewellery, which is
one change of form. He ships them for Turkey, and on the voyage, some more of his money is converted into the wages of the crew.

The cargo arrives at Constantinople, where he sells the investment to the wholesale dealers, who pay him in bills upon Smyrna, which is a second metamorphosis; the capital embarked is now in the shape of bills, which he makes use of in the purchase of cotton at Smyrna; a third transformation. The cotton is shipped for France and sold there, which completes the fourth change of form; thus reproducing the capital, most probably with profit, under its original shape of French coin.

It is obvious, that the objects capable of acting the part of capital are innumerable. If, at any given period, one wishes to know what the capital of a nation consisted of, it would be found composed of an infinity of objects, commodities and substances, of which it would be impossible to guess the aggregate value with any tolerable accuracy, and of which some are situated many thousand leagues from its frontiers. At the same time, it appears that the most insignificant and perishable articles are a part, and often a very important part, too, of the national capital; that although the items of capital are in a continual course of consumption and decomposition, it by no means follows, that the capital itself is destroyed and consumed, provided that its value be preserved in some other shape ; consequently, that the introduction or import of the vilest and most perishable commodities may be just as profitable as that of the most costly and durable — gold or silver; that, in fact, the former, are more profitable the instant they are more sought after; that the producers themselves are the only competent judges of the transformation, export, and import, of these various matters and commodities: and that every government which interferes, every system calculated to influence production, can only do mischief.

There are concerns, in which the capital is completely renovated, and the work of production begun afresh, several times in the year. An operation of manufacture, that can be perfected and the product sold in three months, will admit of the capital being turned to account annually four times. It may be supposed that the profit each time is less than when the capital is turned but once in twelve
months. Were it otherwise, there would be four times the profit gained ; an advantage that would soon attract an overflow of capital in this particular channel, and lower the profit by competition. On the other hand, products that it requires more than a year to perfect, such as leather, must, over and above the original capital, yield the profits of more than one year; otherwise, who could undertake to raise them ?

In the trade of Europe with China and the East Indies, the capital embarked is two or three years before its return. Nor is it necessary in commerce or in manufacture, any' more than in agriculture, which has been cited as an example, that the capital should be realized in the form of money, to be entirely replaced. Merchants and manufacturers, for the most part, realize in this way the whole of their capital but once in their lives, and that is when they wind up and leave off business. Yet they are at no loss to discover at any time whether their capital be enlarged or diminished, by referring to the inventory of their assets for the time being.

The capital employed on a productive operation is always a mere advance made for payment of productive services, and reimbursed by the value of their resulting product.

The miner extracts the ore from the bowels of the earth; the iron-founder pays him for it. Here ends the miner's production, which is paid for by an advance out of the capital of the iron-founder. This latter next smelts the ore, refines and makes it into steel, which he sells to the cutler: thus is the production of the founder paid, and his advance reimbursed by a second advance on the part of the cutler, made in the price for the steel. This again the cutler works up into razor-blades, the price for which replaces his advance of capital, and at the same time pays for his productive agency.

It is manifest, then, that the value of the ultimate product ra^orblades, has been sufficient to replace all the capital successively employed in its production, and, at the same time, to pay for the production itself; or rather, that the successive advances of capital have paid for the productive services, and the price of the product has reimbursed those advances; which is precisely the same tiling as if the aggregate or gross value of the product had gone immediately to defray the charges of its production.



A Treatise on Political Economy

Tuesday, September 4, 2012

OF THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES of DIVISION Of LABOUR - Jean-Baptiste Say


WE have already observed that the several operations, the combination of which forms but one branch of industry, are not in general undertaken or performed by the same person; for they commonly require different kinds of talent; and the labour requisite to each is enough to take up a man's whole time and attention. Nay, in some instances, a single one of these operations is split again into smaller
subdivisions, each of them sufficient for one person's exclusive occupation.

Thus, the study of nature is shared amongst the chemist, the botanist, the astronomer, and many other classes of students in philosophy.

Thus, too, in the application of human knowledge to the satisfaction of human wants, in manufacturing industry, for instance, we find different classes of manufacturers employed exclusively in the fabric of woollens, pottery, furniture, cottons, &c. &c.

Finally, in the executive part of each of the three branches of industry, there are often as many different classes of workmen as there are different kinds of work. To make the cloth of a coat, there must have been set to work the several classes of spinners, weavers, dressers, shearers, dyers, and many other classes of labourers, each of whom is constantly and exclusively occupied upon one operation.

The celebrated Adam Smith was the first to point out the immense increase of production, and the superior perfection of products referable to this division of labour.* He has cited among other examples, the manufacture of pins. The workmen occupied in this manufacture execute each but one part of a pin. One draws the wire, another cuts it, a third sharpens the points. The head of a pin alone requires two or three distinct operations, each performed by a different individual. By means of this division, an ill-appointed establishment, with but ten labourers employed, could make 48,000 pins per day, by Smith's account. Whereas, if each person were obliged to finish off the pins one by one, going through every operation successively from first to last, each would probably make but 20 per day, and the ten workmen would produce in the whole but 200, in lieu of 48,000.

Smith attributes this prodigious difference to three causes:
1 The improved dexterity, corporeal and intellectual, acquirecr by frequent repetition of one simple operation. In some fabrics the rapidity with which some of the operations are performed exceeds what the human hand could, by those who had never seen them, be supposed capable of acquiring.
2. The saving of the time which is commonly lost in passing from one species of work to another, and in the change of place, position, and tools. The attention, which is always slowly transferred, has no occasion to transport itself and settle upon a new object.
3. The invention of a great number of machines, which facilitate and abridge labour in all its departments. For the division of labour naturally limits each operation to an extremely simple task, and one that is incessantly repeated; which is precisely what machinery may most easily be made to perform.

Besides, men soonest discover the methods of arriving at a particular end, when the end is approximate, and their attention exclusively directed to it. Discoveries, even in the walk of philosophy, are for the most part referable, in their origin, to the subdivision of labour; because it is this subdivision that enables men to devote themselves to the exclusive pursuit of one branch of knowledge;
which exclusive devotion has wonderfully favoured their advancement.

Thus the knowledge or theory necessary to the advancement of commercial industry for instance, attains a far greater degree of perfection, when different persons engage in the several studies; one of
geography, with the view of ascertaining the respective position and products of different countries; another of politics, with a view to inform himself of their national laws and manners, and the advantages and disadvantages of commercial intercourse with them; a third of geometry and mechanics, by way of determining the preferable form of the ships, carriages, and machinery of all kinds, that must
be employed; a fourth of astronomy and natural philosophy, for the purposes of navigation, &c. &c.

Thus, too, the application of knowledge in the same department of commercial industry will obviously arrive at a higher degree of perfection, when divided amongst the several branches of internal,
Mediterranean, East and West Indian, American, wholesale and retail, &c. &c.

Moreover, such a division is no obstacle to the combination of operations not altogether incompatible, more especially if they aid and assist each other. There is no occasion for two different merchants to conduct, one the trade of import for home consumption, and the other the trade of export of home products; because these operations, far from clashing, mutually facilitate and assist each other, 

The division of labour cheapens products, by raising a greater quantity at the same or less charge of production. Competition soon obliges the producer to lower the price to the whole amount of the
saving effected; so that he derives much less benefit than the consumer ; and every obstacle the latter throws in the way of that division is an injury to himself.

Should a tailor try to make his own shoes as well as his coat, he would infallibly ruin himself.* We see every day people acting as their own merchants, to avoid paying a regular trader the ordinary
profit of his business; to use their own expression, with the view of pocketing that profit themselves. But this is an erroneous calculation ; for this division of labour enables the regular dealer to execute
the business for them much cheaper than they can do it themselves. Let them reckon up the trouble it costs them, the loss of time, the money thrown away in extra charges, which is always proportionally more in small than in large operations, and see if all these together do not amount to more than the two or three per cent, that might be saved on every paltry item of consumption; even supposing them not to be deprived of what little advantage they might expect, by the avarice of the cultivator or manufacturer they would have to deal directly with, who will of course impose, if he can, upon their inexperience.

It is no advantage, even to the cultivator or manufacturer himself, except under very particular circumstances, to intrude upon the province of the merchant, and endeavonr to deal directly with the
consumer without his intervention. He would only divert his attention from his ordinary occupation, and lose time that might be far better employed in his own peculiar line; besides being under the necessity of keeping up an establishment of people, horses, carriages, &c. the expenses of which would far exceed the merchant's profit, reduced as it always must be by competition.

The advantages accruing from division of labour can be enjoyed in respect of particular kinds of products only; and not in them, until their consumption has exceeded a certain point of extension. Ten
workmen can make 48,000 pins in a day; but would hardly do so, unless where there was a daily consumption of pins to that amount; for, to arrive at this degree of division of labour, one workman must be wholly and exclusively occupied in sharpening the points, while the rest are severally engaged, each in a different part of the process. If there be a daily demand for no more than 24,000, he must needs lose half his day's work, or change his occupation, in which case, the division of labour will be less extensive and complete. For this reason, divisions of labour cannot be carried to the extreme
limit, except in products capable of distant transport and the consequent increase of consumption; or where manufacture is carried on amidst a dense population, offering an extensive local consumption.

For the same reason, too, many kinds of work, the products of which are destined to instantaneous consumption, are executed by the same individual, in places where the population is limited. In a small
town or village, the same person is often barber, surgeon, doctor, and apothecary; while in a populous city, and there only, those are not merely separate and distinct occupations, but some of them are
again subdivided into several branches; that of the surgeon, for instance, is split into the several occupations of dentist, oculist, accoucher, &c.; each of which practitioners, by confining his practice
to a single branch of this extensive art, acquires a degree of skill, which, but for this division, he could never attain.

The same circumstance applies equally to commercial industry. Take the village grocer; the consumption of his groceries is so limited, as to oblige him to be at the same time haberdasher, stationer,
innkeeper, and who knows what, perhaps even news-writer and publisher ; whereas in large cities, not only grocery at large, but even the sale of a single article of grocery, is a great commercial concern.
At Paris, London, and Amsterdam, there are shops, where nothing else is sold but the single article tea, oil or vinegar; and it is natural to suppose that such shops have a much better assortment of the single article, than those dealing in many different commodities at once. Thus, in a rich and populous country, the carrier, the wholesale, the intermediate, and the retail dealer conduct each a separate branch of
commercial industry, and conduct it with greater perfection as well as greater economy. Yet they all benefit by this economy; and that they do so, if the explanations already given are not convincing, experience bears irrefragable testimony; for consumers always buy cheapest where commercial industry is the most subdivided. Ceteris paribus, a commodity brought from the same distance is sold cheaper at a large town or fair, than in a village or hamlet.

The limited consumption of hamlets and villages, besides obliging dealers to combine many elsewhere distinct occupations, prevents many articles from finding a regular sale at all seasons. Some are not presented for sale at all, except on market or fair days; on such days the whole week's or perhaps year's consumption is laid in. On all other days, the dealer either travels elsewhere with his wares, or finds some other kind of occupation. In a very rich and very populous district, the consumption is so great, as to make the sale of one article only, quite as much as a trader can manage, though he devote every day in the week to the business. Fairs and markets are expedients of" an early stage of national prosperity; the trade by caravans is a still earlier stage of international commerce; but even these expedients are far better than none at all.


From the necessity of the existence of a very extended consumption, before division of labour can be carried to its extreme point, it follows, that such division can never be introduced in the manufacture of products, which, from their high price, are placed within the reach of few purchasers. In jewellery, especially of the better kinds, X is practised in a very limited degree; and such division being, as we have seen, one cause of the invention and application of ingenious processes, it is not surprising that such processes are least often met with in the preparation of products of highly finished workmanship.
In visiting the workshop of a lapidary, one is often dazzled with the costliness of the materials, and the skill and patience of the workman ; but it is only in the grand manufactories of articles of universal consumption, that one is astonished with the display of ingenuity employed to give additional expedition and perfection to the product. In looking at an article of jewellery, it is easy to form an idea
of the tools and processes, by means of which it has been executed; whereas few people, on viewing a common stay-lace, would suppose it had been made by a horse or a current of water, which is actually
the case.

Of the three branches of industry, agriculture is the one that admits division of labour in the least degree. It is impossible to collect any great number of cultivators on the same spot, to use their joint exertions in the raising of one and the same product. The soil they work upon is extended over the whole surface of the globe, and obliges them to work at considerable distance from each other. Besides, agriculture does not allow of one person being continually employed in the same operation. One man cannot be all the year ploughing or digging, any more than another ^an find constant occupation in gathering in the crop.

Moreover, it is very rarely that the whole of one's land can be devoted to the same kind of cultivation,
or that the same kind of cultivation can be continued on the same spot for many successive years. The land would be exhausted; and, supposing the cultivation of the whole property to be uniform, yet
even then, the preparing and dressing of the whole ground, and the getting in of the whole of the crops, would come on at the same time, and the labourers be unoccupied at other periods of the year.


Moreover, the nature of his occupation and of agricultural pro ducts makes it highly convenient for the cultivator to raise his own vegetables, fruit, and cattle, and even to manufacture part of the tools and utensils employed in his house-keeping; though in the other channels of industry, these items of consumption give exclusive occupation to a number of distinct classes.

Where concerns of industry are carried on in manufactories, in which one and the same master manufacturer conducts the product through all its stages, he can never establish any great subdivision
of the various operations, without great command of capital. For such division requires larger advances of wages, of raw materials, and of tools and implements. Where eighteen workmen manufacture
but twenty pins each per day, that is to say, in ail 360 pins, weighing scarcely an ounce of metal, the daily advance of an ounce of fresh metal is enough to keep them in regular work. But if, in consequence of division of labour, these same eighteen persons can be brought, as we know they can, to produce 86,400 pins, the daily supply of raw material requisite for their regular employ will be 240 ounces weight of metal; consequently a much more considerable advance will be called for. If we further take into calculation, that there is an interval of probably a month or more, from the purchase of the metal by the manufacturer to the period of his reimbursement by the sale of his pins, we shall find that he must necessarily have at ail times on hand, in different stages of progressive manufacture, 30
times 240 ounces of metal; in other words, the portion of his capital vested in raw material alone will amount to the value of 450 lbs. of metal. In addition to which, it must be observed, that the division
of labour cannot be effected without the aid of various implements and machines, that form themselves an important item of capital. Thus, in poor countries, we frequently find a product carried through
all its stages, from first to last, by one and the same workman, from mere want of the capital requisite for a judicious division of the different operations.

We must not however suppose, that, to effect this division of labour, it is necessary the capital should be placed all in the handsof a single adventurer, or the business conducted all within the walls of one grand establishment. A pair of boots undergoes a variety of processes, whereof all are not executed by the bootmaker alone; the grazier, the tanner, the currier, all others, who immediately or remotely furnish any substance or tool used in the making of boots; contribute to the raising of the product; and though there is a very considerable subdivision of labour in the making of this article, the greater part of the joint and concurrent producers may have very little command of capital.


Having detailed the advantages of the subdivision of the various occupations of industry, and the extent to which it may be carried, the view of the subject would be incomplete, were we to omit noticing, on the other hand, the inconveniences that inseparably attend it.

A man, whose whole life is devoted to the execution of a single operation, will most assuredly acquire the faculty of executing it better and quicker than others; but he will, at the same time, be rendered less fit for every other occupation, corporeal or intellectual; his other faculties will be gradually blunted or extinguished ; and the man, as an individual, will degenerate in consequence. To have never done any thing but make the eighteenth part of a pin, is a sorry account for a human being to give of his existence. Nor is it to be imagined that this degeneracy from the dignity of human nature is confined to the labourer, that plies all his life at the file or the hammer; men, whose professional duties call into play the finest faculties of the mind, are subject to similar degradation. This division of occupations has given rise to the profession of attorneys, whose sole business it is to appear in the courts of justice instead of the principals, and to follow up the different steps of the process on
their behalf. These legal practitioners are, confessedly, seldom
deficient in technical skill and ability; yet it is not uncommon to
meet with men, even of eminence in this profession, wholly ignorant of the most simple processes of the manufactures they every day make use of; who, if they were set to work to mend the simplest
article of their furniture, would scarcely know how to begin, and could probably not drive a nail, without exciting the risibility of every carpenter's awkward apprentice; and if placed in a situation
of a greater emergency, called upon, for instance, to save a drowning friend, or to rescue a fellow-townsman from a hostile attack, would be in a truly distressing perplexity; whereas a rough peasant, inhabiting a semi-barbarous district, would probably extricate himself from a similar situation with honour.

With regard to the labouring class, the incapacity for any other than a single occupation, renders the condition of mere labourers more hard and wearisome, as well as less profitable. They have less means of enforcing their own rights to an equitable portion of the gross value of the product. The workman, that carries about with him the whole implements of his trade, can change his locality at pleasure, and earn his subsistence wherever he pleases: in the other case, he is a mere adjective, without individual capacity, independence, or substantive importance, when separated from his fellow labourers, and obliged to (accept whatever terms his employer thinks fit to impose.

On the whole, we may conclude, that division of labour is a skilful mode of employing human agency, that it consequently multiplies the productions of society; in other words, the powers end the enjoyments of mankind; but that it in some degree degrades the faculties of man in his individual capacity.

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A Treatise on Political Economy

Monday, September 3, 2012

Understanding Say’s Law of Markets Beware measures to boost aggregate demand.

The Freeman Online

Steven Horwitz


One of the problems in the world of ideas, particularly in the social sciences, is that the insight behind old ideas can get lost as new ideas crowd the intellectual landscape. Often, the historian of ideas has the thankless task of reminding his colleagues that what they think some long-dead writer said is not, in fact, what he was talking about at all.
Such misunderstandings are frequently more than just simple errors; they can have profound effects on our theories of the social world, our interpretations of history, and our proposals for policy. In economics, one can find numerous examples of this phenomenon. My task here is to explore one of them: the way in which Say’s Law of Markets (named for the great Classical economist Jean-Baptiste Say) has been fundamentally misunderstood by economic theorists and laypersons alike, and to explore some of the consequences of this misunderstanding.
W. H. Hutt once referred to Say’s Law as the most fundamental ‘economic law’ in all economic theory.[1] In its crude and colloquial form, Say’s Law is frequently understood as supply creates its own demand, as if the simple act of supplying some good or service on the market was sufficient to call forth demand for that product. It is certainly true that producers can undertake expenses, such as advertising, to persuade people to purchase a good they have already chosen to supply, but that is not the same thing as saying that an act of supply necessarilycreates demand for the good in question. This understanding of the law is obviously nonsensical as numerous business and product failures can attest to. If Say’s Law were true in this colloquial sense, then we could all get very rich just by producing whatever we wanted.
In a somewhat more sophisticated understanding, one which John Maynard Keynes appeared to pin on the Classical economists, Say’s Law is supposed to be saying that the aggregate supply of goods and services and the aggregate demand for goods and services will always be equal. In addition, Say was supposed to have been saying that this equality would occur at a point where all resources are fully employed. Thus, on this view, the Classical economists supposedly believed that markets always reached this full-employment equilibrium. In one sense this is trivially true. If we compare the actual (ex post) quantities of goods bought (demanded) and sold (supplied) they will always be equal. Whatever is sold by one person is bought by another. Presumably, however, Keynes thought the Classical economists meant something else, perhaps more along the lines of market economies will never create general gluts or shortages because the income generated by sales will always be sufficient to purchase the quantity of goods available to buy. There is a strong sense in which this is true, but by itself it does not assure that full employment will take place because obvious examples of significant unemployment and unsold goods can easily be pointed to. And, in fact, this is what critics of Say’s Law have done. By pointing to the various recessions and depressions that market economies have experienced, they claim to show that Say’s Law was at the very least naive, and probably downright wrong.
What Say Said
If we want to get a more accurate understanding of Say’s Law, perhaps we should consult what Say himself had to say about his supposed law. In the passage where he gets at the insight behind the notion that supply creates its own demand, Say writes: “it is production which opens a demand for products. . . . Thus the mere circumstance of the creation of one product immediately opens a vent for other products.”[2] Put another way, Say was making the claim that production is the source of demand. One’s ability to demand goods and services from others derives from the income produced by one’s own acts of production. Wealth is created by production not by consumption. My ability to demand food, clothing, and shelter derives from the productivity of my labor or my nonlabor assets. The higher (lower) that productivity, the higher (lower) is my power to demand.
In his excellent book on Say’s Law, Hutt states this as: “All power to demand is derived from production and supply. . . . The process of supplying—i.e., the production and appropriate pricing of services or assets for replacement or growth—keeps the flow of demands flowing steadily or expanding.”[3] Later, Hutt was to be somewhat more precise with his definition: “the demand for any commodity is a function of the supply of noncompeting commodities.”[4] The addition of the modifier noncompeting is important. If I sell my services as a computer technician, it is presumed that my resulting demands will be for goods and for services other than those of a computer technician (or something similar). The goods or services competing with those that I sell can always be obtained by applying my labor directly, so I am unlikely to demand them. The demand for my services as a computer technician is a result of the supplying activities of everyone but computer technicians.
This way of viewing Say’s Law gets at the interconnections between the various sectors of a market economy. In particular, it makes sense of the claim that the employment of all is the employment of each. As each worker finds employment, he or she is able to turn around and demand goods and services from all other noncompeting suppliers, creating the opportunity for their employment. From this perspective, Say’s Law has nothing to do with an equilibrium between aggregate supply and aggregate demand, but rather it describes the process by which supplies in general are turned into demands in general. It is always the level of production which determines the ability to demand.
Production Must Come First
This process can be seen in the differences between small, poor, rural towns and wealthier suburban areas. In the small town, the fact that less value is being produced by residents means that their ability to demand goods and services is correspondingly limited. As a result, the selection of products, the number and diversity of sellers, and the degree of specialization among producers is quite limited. By contrast, in the wealthier suburb, there is an amazing array of products, with a large number of diverse sellers all offering very specialized goods. Perhaps most important is that in the wealthier area, there is a greater degree of competition, as the market can support multiple sellers of particular goods given the level of wealth being generated by producers. Say points out that this explains why a seller will likely get more business as one among a large number of competitors in a big city than the sole seller of an item in the more sparsely populated countryside.[5] The key to understanding Say’s Law of Markets is that it is production that must come first. Demand, or consumption, follows from the production of wealth.
To a degree, Say’s Law is just an extension of Adam Smith’s insight that the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market.[6] Smith’s point was that the degree of specialization that one would see in a given market depended upon how much demand there was for the specialized product. Thus, small towns rarely have ethnic restaurants beyond the very popular Chinese and Italian, nor do they have radio stations that specialize in very narrow musical formats (oldies from the 1970s only, for example). Larger, wealthier communities can support this degree of specialization because there is sufficient demand, deriving from a larger population and a larger degree of wealth being produced. It is in this sense that production (supply) is the source of demand.
Because all movements between supplying and demanding have to take place through the medium of money, it is somewhat oversimplified to say that production is the source of demand. Actually demanding products requires the possession of money, which in turn requires a previous act of supply. We sell assets or labor services for money, which we then use to demand. Money is an intermediate good that enables us to buy the things we ultimately desire. However, we have to be careful to remember that what enables us to purchase is not the possession of money, per se, but the possession of productive assets that can fetch a money’s worth on the market. When we sell that asset (or our labor services) we receive wealth in the form of money. As we spend that money, we demand from the wealth our production created. However, because we do not spend all of our wealth that we temporarily store as money, but choose to continue to hold some of it in the monetary form, the demand for current goods and services will not precisely match the value of what has been produced, as some money remains in the producers’ possession. Thus it looks as though, given the existence and use of money, Say’s Law, even rightly understood, leaves open the possibility that aggregate demand is insufficient to purchase what has been supplied.
However, if the monetary wealth is stored in the form of bank-created money, such as a checking account (but not Federal Reserve Notes), then that withheld consumption power will be transferred to those who borrow money from the bank that created it. The money I leave sitting in my checking account is the basis for my bank’s ability to lend to others. The power to consume that I choose not to utilize by leaving my production-generated wealth as money is transferred to the borrower. When she spends her loan, her addition to aggregate demand fills in for the missing consumption demand resulting from my decision to hold money. There is, therefore, no excess or deficiency in aggregate demand, as long as the banking system is free to perform this process of turning the saving of depositors into the spending of borrowers. Say’s Law of Markets cannot be fully appreciated unless one understands the working of the banking system and its role in intertemporal coordination.[7]
All Markets Are Money Markets
Because all market exchanges are of goods or services for money, all markets are money markets, and the only way there can be an excess supply or demand for goods is if there is an opposite excess supply or demand for money. Take the more obvious case of a glut of goods, such as one might find in a recession. Say’s Law, properly understood, suggests that the explanation for an excess supply of goods is an excess demand for money. Goods are going unsold because buyers cannot get their hands on the money they need to buy them despite being potentially productive suppliers of labor. Conversely, a general shortage, or excess demand for goods, can only arise if there is an excess supply of the thing goods trade against, which can only be money. Recessions and inflations are, therefore, fundamentally monetary phenomena, as Say’s Law points us in the direction of looking at what is going on in the production of money to explain the breakdown of the translation process of production into demand.
Unlike Keynesian critics of Say’s Law of Markets who saw deficient aggregate demand resulting from various forms of market failure as causing economic downturns, we have argued that a more accurate understanding of Say’s Law suggests that there is no inherent flaw in the market that leads to deficient aggregate demand, nor is the existence of real-world recessions a refutation of the Law. Rather, once we understand the role of money in making possible the translation of our productive powers of supply into the ability to demand from other producers, we can see that the root of macroeconomic disorder is most likely monetary, as too much or too little money will undermine that translation process. Despite having been dismissed in the onslaught of the Keynesian revolution, Say’s Law, when properly understood both in its original meaning and its relationship to the banking system, remains a powerful insight into the operations of a market economy.

Sunday, September 2, 2012

Expense and Consumption? - Jean-Baptiste Say



Jean-Baptiste Say

What difference is there between the words Expense and Consumption?
Expense is the purchase of a thing to be consumed, and as, in general, one only buys what one intends to consume, the words expense and consumption are often used for one another. It is, however, proper to remark, that when one buys a product, we exchange the value we are willing to give up for one of which we are in want: the value of a crown, for instance, for the value of a handkerchief. We are still as rich when we have made the purchase as we were before, only we possess in the form of a handkerchief what we before had in the form of a crown. We do not begin to lose this value until we begin to use the handkerchief, and it is only when the consumption is finished that we are poorer by a crown. It is not then in buying, but in consuming, that we dissipate our property. That is the reason why, in the middle ranks of life, the character and economical talents of the woman, who directs the greater part of the consumption of the family, assists materially to preserve fortunes.
What do you understand by economical talents?
It is the talent of deciding judiciously what consumption may be permitted, and what must be prohibited, in that state of fortune in which we are placed, and according to the income we have.
What do you understand by avarice?
We are avaricious when we deprive ourselves, or those dependent upon us, of those consumptions which we might permit according to our incomes.
Is it avaricious not to expend the whole of one's income?
No; for it is only by the savings which are made from unproductive consumption, that we can hope to enjoy repose in our old days, and to procure an establishment for our families.
Do we do any wrong to society by thus amassing a productive capital, for the sake of enjoying ourselves, or suffering those belonging to us to enjoy, the profits it will produce?
On the contrary, capitals, accumulated by individuals, add so much to the total capital of society; and as a capital placed, that is, employed reproductively, is indispensably necessary to give activity to industry, every person who spares from his revenue to add to his capital, procures, to a certain number of persons who have nothing but their industry, the means of deriving a revenue from their talents.
Are not some consumptions better managed than others?
Yes: they are those which procure greater satisfaction, in proportion to the sacrifice of the values which they occasion. Such are the consumptions which satisfy the real, rather than fictitious, wants. Wholesome food, decent clothing, convenient lodgings, are consumptions more fitting and better regulated than luxurious food, foppish clothing, and stately habitations. More true satisfaction results from the first than the last.
What do you consider besides as well regulated consumptions?
The consumption of products of the best quality of every sort, although they may cost more.
For what reason do you consider them as well regulated consumptions?
Because the workmanship employed on a bad article will be more quickly consumed than that on a good one. When a pair of shoes is made with bad leather, the work of the shoemaker, which is used up in the same time as the shoes, does not cost less, and is consumed in fifteen days instead of lasting two or three months, which it would have done if the leather had been good. The carriage of bad merchandise costs as much as that of good, which is more advantageous. Poor nations have, consequently, beside the disadvantage of consuming less perfect productions, that of paying dearer for them in proportion.
What consumptions do you consider as the worst regulated?
Those which procure more chagrin and mischief than satisfaction: such as the excess of intemperance, and expenses which excite contempt, or are followed by punishment.


Saturday, September 1, 2012

On Private Consumption - Jean-Baptiste Say


Jean-Baptiste Say

What difference is there between the words Expense and Consumption?
Expense is the purchase of a thing to be consumed, and as, in general, one only buys what one intends to consume, the words expense and consumption are often used for one another. It is, however, proper to remark, that when one buys a product, we exchange the value we are willing to give up for one of which we are in want: the value of a crown, for instance, for the value of a handkerchief. We are still as rich when we have made the purchase as we were before, only we possess in the form of a handkerchief what we before had in the form of a crown. We do not begin to lose this value until we begin to use the handkerchief, and it is only when the consumption is finished that we are poorer by a crown. It is not then in buying, but in consuming, that we dissipate our property. That is the reason why, in the middle ranks of life, the character and economical talents of the woman, who directs the greater part of the consumption of the family, assists materially to preserve fortunes.
What do you understand by economical talents?
It is the talent of deciding judiciously what consumption may be permitted, and what must be prohibited, in that state of fortune in which we are placed, and according to the income we have.
What do you understand by avarice?
We are avaricious when we deprive ourselves, or those dependent upon us, of those consumptions which we might permit according to our incomes.
Is it avaricious not to expend the whole of one's income?
No; for it is only by the savings which are made from unproductive consumption, that we can hope to enjoy repose in our old days, and to procure an establishment for our families.
Do we do any wrong to society by thus amassing a productive capital, for the sake of enjoying ourselves, or suffering those belonging to us to enjoy, the profits it will produce?
On the contrary, capitals, accumulated by individuals, add so much to the total capital of society; and as a capital placed, that is, employed reproductively, is indispensably necessary to give activity to industry, every person who spares from his revenue to add to his capital, procures, to a certain number of persons who have nothing but their industry, the means of deriving a revenue from their talents.
Are not some consumptions better managed than others?
Yes: they are those which procure greater satisfaction, in proportion to the sacrifice of the values which they occasion. Such are the consumptions which satisfy the real, rather than fictitious, wants. Wholesome food, decent clothing, convenient lodgings, are consumptions more fitting and better regulated than luxurious food, foppish clothing, and stately habitations. More true satisfaction results from the first than the last.
What do you consider besides as well regulated consumptions?
The consumption of products of the best quality of every sort, although they may cost more.
For what reason do you consider them as well regulated consumptions?
Because the workmanship employed on a bad article will be more quickly consumed than that on a good one. When a pair of shoes is made with bad leather, the work of the shoemaker, which is used up in the same time as the shoes, does not cost less, and is consumed in fifteen days instead of lasting two or three months, which it would have done if the leather had been good. The carriage of bad merchandise costs as much as that of good, which is more advantageous. Poor nations have, consequently, beside the disadvantage of consuming less perfect productions, that of paying dearer for them in proportion.
What consumptions do you consider as the worst regulated?
Those which procure more chagrin and mischief than satisfaction: such as the excess of intemperance, and expenses which excite contempt, or are followed by punishment.